Browsing by Subject "Criminal justice"
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Item Open Access A Dilemma for Criminal Justice Under Social Injustice(2019) Ariturk, DenizA moral dilemma confronts criminal justice in unjust states. If the state punishes marginalized citizens whose crimes are connected to conditions of systemic injustice the state has failed to alleviate, it perpetuates a further injustice to those citizens. If the state does not punish, it perpetuates an injustice to victims of crime whose protection is the duty of the criminal justice system. Thus, no reaction to crime by the unjust state appears to avoid perpetuating further injustice. Tommie Shelby proposes a new solution to this old dilemma, suggesting that certain theoretical and practical qualifications can save the unjust state from perpetuating injustice. He argues that punishment can be just even as society remains unjust if it is: (a) administered through a fair criminal justice apparatus; (b) only directed at mala in se crimes; and (c) not expressive of moral judgment. In the first part of this thesis, I explore Shelby’s solution to show that certain aspects of his framework are superior to alternative ones, but that it nonetheless fails to resolve the dilemma. In Part 2, I use a novel technological reform that promises to make criminal justice fairer, the AI risk assessment, as a case study to show why even punishment that meets Shelby’s criteria will continue to perpetuate injustice as long as it operates under systemic social injustice. Punishment can only be just if society is.
Item Open Access A Study of Plea Bargaining, Political Power, and Case Outcomes in Local Criminal Courts(2023) Grodensky, Catherine AspdenIn this dissertation, I seek to understand the power of legal actors in determining punitiveness in plea bargaining in criminal courts. Using a unique combination of administrative court data and qualitative interviews, I evaluate the influence of the chief elected prosecutor, line prosecutors, and defense attorneys on plea bargaining practices and punitiveness in case outcomes across multiple local court systems. Chapter 2 presents an analysis of the association between the elected chief prosecutor and prosecution and active sentence rates in four types of criminal cases in nine districts in North Carolina. The study finds that chief prosecutors influenced punitiveness, but their influence was not aligned with their political party. Although Democratic and Republican chief prosecutors did not differ in levels of punitiveness, the one progressive prosecutor in the sample reduced punitiveness across most crime types to the lowest levels out of all nine study districts. Chapter 3 examines how line prosecutors working in one progressive prosecutor’s office reduced punitiveness in case outcomes, mainly by dismissing weak and low-priority cases even before they reached the plea bargaining stage. Finally, Chapter 4 explores the power of the defense attorney in plea bargaining, and shows how the legal actors and context of the plea bargaining interaction impacted defense attorneys’ leverage and negotiation strategies. These chapters provide insights into current movements to reform prosecution and reduce mass incarceration in the United States, and shed light on how punitiveness may be impacted through the complex process of plea bargaining.
Item Open Access American Law and Gospel: Evangelicals in the Age of Mass Incarceration(2018) Griffith, AaronThis dissertation charts the history of evangelical Christian influence in American criminal justice and prisons in the second half of the twentieth century. A work of cultural history that draws upon archival sources, newspapers and magazines, governmental records, and interviews, it explores the connection of the dramatic rise in imprisonment and the surge in evangelicalism’s popularity during this period. Evangelicals outpaced nearly all other religious and social constituencies in their interest in crime and punishment. They led the way on all sides of political battles regarding criminal justice and incarceration: some pushed for “law and order,” while others launched reform efforts. They built ministries to delinquents and inmates, revolutionizing prisons’ religious culture. In sum, this dissertation’s central argument is that crime and prison concern are central to evangelical entry into American public life, and that one cannot understand the creation, maintenance, or reform of modern American criminal justice without accounting for evangelicalism’s impact. This dissertation makes two additional arguments about the precise relationship of evangelicalism to mass incarceration. First, evangelicals not only lobbied for policies and voted for politicians that helped build America’s carceral state, they also helped make these changes appealing to other citizens. Unlike much of the previous work on twentieth-century evangelicalism (particularly their influence in politics), this dissertation frames the movement not in terms of backlash or culture warring, but consensus. Postwar evangelicals framed their own religious movement as reputable, racially moderate, and politically savvy, and they helped to do the same for the cause of punishment, bolstering law enforcement’s “neutral” quality, colorblind aspirations, and respectable status. Second, this dissertation argues for the political import of evangelical soul saving, often overlooked by scholars who characterize the movement’s conversionism as individualistic or neglectful of issues of social change. I show how, though unapologetically spiritual in focus, evangelical concern with crime and punishment opened the eyes of some conservative Protestants to the needs of juvenile delinquents and prison inmates, leading them to solidarity with offenders and new forms of reform work.
Item Open Access Coming Home to Bull City: A Program Evaluation of Durham’s Local Reentry Council(2021-01-19) Dowrich, TheaSince the 1970s, the U.S. has seen a 500% increase in its total incarcerated population. Not only are people formally incarcerated, but as of 2016, there were about 6.6 million individuals under any kind of criminal supervision, including parole and probation. Although sentencing policies have changed such that people are facing longer sentences, more than 95% of them will eventually be released. Re-entry programs are designed to help returning citizens acclimate to society after their period of incarceration. Their goal is to decrease recidivism, maintain public safety and save money. Many re-entry institutions provide employment readiness training and access to post-secondary education. North Carolina began its efforts to aid formerly incarcerated individuals in 2009. The state’s programming for reintegration is led by local re-entry councils (LRCs). As of 2017, there were 14 re-entry councils serving 20 counties. According to the North Carolina Department of Public Safety’s Division of Adult Correction and Juvenile Justice, local reentry councils are meant to “coordinate resources in the community for formerly incarcerated people and their families that will facilitate a successful transition from the criminal justice system back into society.” Looking specifically at Durham County, I sought to investigate how well its local reentry council is fulfilling its mandate to help justice-involved individuals reintegrate into society. Durham’s LRC does not effectively collect data, as such it is virtually impossible to determine their success rate. Therefore, I am recommending that the LRC adds a data analyst and begins collecting data at person-level, rather than the offense-level.Item Open Access Cooperation and Clearance: Victim Cooperation in Shooting Crimes(2017-05-04) Ho, JeffreyThis thesis examined the factors affecting police clearance rates and citizen cooperation in investigations, particularly as they related to shooting crimes in Durham, North Carolina. Existing literature suggests that victim demographics and crime circumstances are limiting factors in police investigations and may influence the noncooperation of victims and witnesses. The study further explored these relationships through the use of statistical regression analyses of predictive factors for police clearance and victim cooperation in an examination of investigative case data and a qualitative analysis of police interview data. A secondary goal of the analysis was to provide insight and recommendations for reducing noncooperation in police investigations. Based on an examination of administrative data from the Durham Police Department records of shooting crimes in 2015, a multivariate logistic regression revealed that crime circumstances were highly associated with crime clearance. In addition, respondents who were male, racial and ethnic minorities, or between the ages of 20 and 30 were more likely to be uncooperative in police investigations. An analysis of semi-structured interviews with the Durham police department investigators assigned to the cases helped provide potential explanations for the noncooperation, including the presence of a pervasive culture of fear and the general mistrust in the police. I consequently proposed potential recommendations for improving citizen cooperation, such as through the use of community policing, providing credible relocation services for victims, and expanding staffing and resource availability.Item Open Access Criminal Injustice: Race, Representative Bureaucracy, and New York City’s Criminal Justice System(2017) Ashe, Austin W.Recently, research concerning the United States Criminal Justice System has been dominated by discussions of mass incarceration and deadly acts of police violence. Although there is conflicting evidence regarding the impact of racial diversity in criminal justice organizations, it continues to receive consideration as a prescription for racial disparities in policing, sentencing, and incarceration. Few studies have provided a holistic analysis of multiple components of the criminal justice system in one locality. This research focuses on the role of race throughout New York City’s Criminal Justice System. Based on court observations, ethnographic data, and semi-structured interviews I focus on the experiences and perspectives of black and Latino actors involved in the criminal justice process. Findings suggest that race itself is not predictive of active representation, while the link between passive and active representation cannot be completely dismissed. I discuss the implications of these findings for future research and policy initiatives aimed at reducing racial disparities in policing and incarceration.
Item Open Access Employer Perspectives on Former Offenders: An Analysis of How a Criminal Record Impacts the Hiring Decisions of Durham-Based Employers(2018-04-20) Khatami, SaraHow does a criminal record affect the hiring decisions of Durham-based employers? What, if any, services or incentives might increase the likelihood of these employers hiring former offenders? Roughly 700 individuals return to Durham each year after serving time in state prison. These individuals face a variety of indirect consequences known as collateral consequences. Often more severe and long-lasting than imprisonment or fines, collateral consequences include the denial of parental rights, civil rights, and public benefits. These collateral consequences also render justice-involved individuals ineligible or unfit for various types of employment. Re-entry into the labor market remains one of the most challenging situations ex-offenders face. At the same time, a sizeable body of research consistently demonstrates that employment is correlated with a successful reentry to society. In determining potential ways to improve this population’s employment prospects, an important first step is to understand the barriers that limit their opportunities.Item Open Access Gender, Institutions, and Punishment: Examining the Experiences of Formerly Incarcerated Women(2020) Umeh, ZimifeWhile men account for 93 percent of the U.S. prison population, women have seen an increase of over 700 percent in incarceration rates since the 1980s. Despite this, most sociological and criminological research examines the incarceration and reentry experiences and consequences of men. Existing research on system-involved women rarely disentangles the role of race in women’s criminal justice involvement. Thus, this dissertation uses an intersectional approach to explore how formerly incarcerated women navigate various institutions during the incarceration and reentry period. For this project, I use 40 semi-structured interviews with women primarily in North Carolina. The chapters in this dissertation explore the following research questions; 1) How do institutional responses to women’s childhood victimization and adult entrapment shape women’s pathways to prison? 2) How do mothers define and construct their maternal identities while imprisoned? 3) What strategies do women use to navigate reentering the paid labor market?
Item Open Access Overcriminalization of Low-Level Offenses: Perpetuating Poverty and Racial Disparities in the Misdemeanor Criminal Justice System(2021-04-21) Baynard, MauriceMisdemeanors cover a broad range of conduct. Some misdemeanors cover serious conduct, like drunk driving or domestic assault. But more frequently, misdemeanors cover minor offenses like speeding and low-level drug possession, or “quality-of-life” offenses such as sleeping in public, loitering, disorderly conduct, and panhandling. Because misdemeanors are considered “minor” or low-level, they receive much less attention that felonies. But responses to misdemeanors are proportionately much harsher than their felony counterparts. Overcriminalization has been defined as “the overuse or misuse of criminal law to address societal problems that could be remedied more effectively though the civil legal system or other institutions.”2 In the context of low-level offenses and the misdemeanor criminal justice system, the increasing criminalization of a broad range of conduct facilitates and perpetuates racial and class disparities for low-level offenses. It does this in two ways. First, the misdemeanor system targets poor and minority individuals and communities. Virtually all actors in the criminal justice system exercise substantial discretion. Police decide where to patrol, who to stop, who to search, and who to arrest. Prosecutors decide which cases to bring, what charges to indict, what plea deals to offer, and what sentences to recommend. And judges make the pivotal decision of what sentence the defendant ultimately receives. Bias influences all of these decisions—both implicit and explicit. And the system is self-reinforcing, relying on inherently biased data based on past discriminatory practices to justify the continued use of those same practices. This targeted enforcement is illustrated by the significant racial and class disparities that exist in the misdemeanor system. Poor and minority individuals are significantly overrepresented in the misdemeanor system, and this disparity is completely unwarranted. Black individuals are not any more likely to commit crimes that their white counterparts. Many of the differences between black and white defendants—such as criminal history—are due to past discrimination. But even holding these other variables constant, black individuals are still more likely to experience negative outcomes than white individuals. These disparities pervade all stages of the misdemeanor system—black individuals are more likely to be stopped, searched, arrested, charged, and incarcerated. But this discrimination extends beyond the criminal justice system. Studies have shown that white applicants with a criminal record were still more likely to get a job than black applicants without a criminal record. These disparities, both within the criminal justice system and without, are unjustified and unwarranted, and illustrate the consequences of a system that targets these groups specifically. Second, the consequences of these low-level offenses are relatively extreme, and far outweigh the severity of the conduct. Fines and fees are the most common punishment for misdemeanor violations, but these fines do not take ability to pay into account. Poor defendants who are unable to pay, through no real fault of their own, suffer increased fines and additional penalties, including the possibility of incarceration, while similarly situated wealthier defendants are not negatively impacted. And the consequences extend well beyond those imposed by law. Those with a criminal record may face additional indirect consequences, including difficulties finding and keeping housing and employment. Overcriminalization facilitates this targeted and discriminatory enforcement and perpetuates these disparities. The sheer volume of misdemeanor offenses, covering conduct as serious as domestic violence, to minor conduct such as jaywalking, spitting, or even using Silly String, means that most of us commit many of these crimes. But we are not all equally as likely to be charged for a violation. With so many offenses, it is easy for law enforcement to stop someone for whatever reason, and then identify some offense they may have committed after the fact. But this has it backwards. No one should be subjected to the consequences of the criminal justice system for any reason other than committing a morally reprehensible offense. If the system impacted all demographics equally, the problems posed would be very different, but it is low-income and minority individuals and communities that bear the brunt of the enforcement, and consequently, the brunt of the negative impact. And ultimately, no one solution in any one area will solve the problem. There are many potential reforms that address the issue directly—such as decriminalizing conduct—and these reforms are necessary, but by themselves, criminal justice reforms are insufficient. The causes of racial discrimination go well beyond the criminal justice system—i.e., structural and economic inequality, implicit and explicit bias, history of slavery, racism, etc. “The ultimate aim of criminal legal system reform cannot be to lessen racial disparities; the endpoint must be to eliminate these disparities altogether.”Item Open Access Policy Implications of the Changing Juvenile Gang Dynamics in Durham, North Carolina(2014-02-15) Paddock, EllenAcross the country, juvenile gang membership has increased in places which don’t quite fit the mold of a conventional gang city. Durham, North Carolina is just such a place: a mid-sized city in the south with a tobacco manufacturing history and a reputation for good music. For the past couple decades, however, the city has also gained notoriety as a regional center of gang activity. Conventionally, the reason why juvenile gang membership concerns policymakers is crime, and typically rates of juvenile gang involvement are correlative to rates of juvenile crime. Yet what happens when these trends begin to diverge? This is the question that has been puzzling Durham policymakers since 2009: despite notable successes at reducing crime, juvenile gang membership has increased, raising a number of questions. If juvenile gang membership does not necessarily increase crime in a city, then should is still matter from a policy perspective? This thesis explores these recent developments in Durham and seeks to evaluate the ways in which juvenile gang membership should impact public safety policy.Item Open Access Who gets the job? Examining the relationship between automatic expungement policies and racial discrimination in NC(2020-01-25) Abrams, Leah“Unmarking” processes are among those policies intended to facilitate a reduction in the barriers to employment for justice-involved American residents. Widely proposed unmarking policies include “Ban the Box,” or policies that remove questions about criminal history from initial applications; expungement policies that automatically clear certain convictions or arrests; and targeted jobs-guarantees for justice-involved populations. The following thesis isolates one specific unmarking policy—an automatic expungement policy—and investigates its implications for white and black men. Through an experimental survey distributed to 300 North Carolina adults via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk, the data provide preliminary answers to the guiding research question: “Would the implementation of an automatic expungement policy for non-violent charges at the state level influence disparities in job prospects for white and black male applicants in North Carolina?” By comparing differences in willingness to give candidate callbacks “before” and “after” the implementation of an expungement policy, the thesis will draw conclusions about the effectiveness of such policies in reintegrating—or “unmarking”—justice-involved North Carolinians. In the final section, this paper offers a series of policy recommendations for lawmakers interested in “unmarking.”