Browsing by Subject "Social identity"

In this dissertation, I propose, operationalize, and test a novel model of identity fragility using fragile masculinity as a case study. To date, identity research has largely focused on understanding how people’s membership in different social categories (e.g., gender, race) shapes their experiences, self-concept, and behavior. I contend that when (i) a social category is high-status and (ii) its corresponding norms are especially rigid—as is often the case with masculinity—people in this category may feel pressured to uphold its norms in order to maintain their status. To the extent that identities are pressured, I argue that they are “fragile”, in turn eliciting compensatory, stereotypical responses (e.g., male aggression) to perceived threats aimed at maintaining status. Supporting the proposed model, I found that young men’s (Study 1) and post-pubertal boys’ (Study 3) aggressive cognition post-threat was directly related to the extent to which their masculine behavior was extrinsically motivated (pressured). In Study 2, I found that straight men’s anti-gay bias was again predicted by a combination of extrinsic pressure and threat, which was partially mediated by men’s endorsement of gender-inversion stereotypes (e.g., gay = feminine). Finally, as one possible pathway to reduce these adverse pressures and compensatory aggression, in Study 4, I found that identity-salient events like U.S. presidential elections can loosen masculinity norms from the “top-down” to mitigate certain men’s sociopolitical aggression.

In line with Social Identity Theory, the social groups we claim (e.g., race, gender, religion) help define our sense of self and fulfill fundamental belonging needs. However, social exclusion experiences may also be especially informative for Multiracial and Multicultural groups (people who claim more than one racial or cultural group identity respectively) since these groups directly challenge singular social categorization norms. In my dissertation, I test the role of group-based exclusion as a catalyst for shifts in self-identification among Multiracial and Multicultural individuals. Specifically, in Chapter 2, two studies test how racial ingroup and outgroup exclusion and inclusion via Cyberball may differentially influence Multiracial individuals’ sense of belonging and identification to multiple ingroups. Chapter 3 explores how Multicultural Latine Americans respond to institutional exclusion communicated via a mock-Census form. Chapter 4 draws from the observed patterns in the previous two sets of studies and tests how exclusion from specific sources predicts identification with various available ingroups for Multiracial and Multicultural people in a series of mediation models. In sum, I find that social exclusion experiences impact not only the ways Multiracial and Multicultural people feel accepted or rejected by different ingroups, but also that exclusion impacts their evaluative and cognitive perceptions of group-level identification. Furthermore, results reveal that the direction of identification (decreased or increased) is influenced by both the specific source of exclusion and the target ingroup membership. This research demonstrates how social exclusion, in contrast to inclusion, acts as a previously underacknowledged, but highly salient pathway of social identity development, particularly for minority-group compared to majority-group identities. Additionally, this work highlights the importance of considering identification as multifaceted and fluid and contributes to the field’s understanding of social identity development and negotiation.

This dissertation proposes that party identification, as a social identity, fundamentally alters individual processing of and reactions to political information and events. I present a party identity linkage theory in which I argue party identity can lead to heightened, specific emotional responses to threatening political competition and biased, polarized perceptions of politicalized objects if the link between self and party is sufficiently strong. Because people are strongly motivated to protect the positive perceptions they have of themselves, they should be motivated to maintain and protect their positive perceptions of groups that are linked to their self-concept through social identities. Furthermore, because people tend to engage in self-serving biases that result in a degree of positive illusions about themselves, especially when the positive self-view is threatened, evaluations of closely linked groups should also be subject to a degree of positive bias, especially when the positive image of the group is threatened. Drawing on both experimental and survey data, I provide evidence that strong partisans are fundamentally different from weak partisans and independents in the degree a party is included in their self-concepts, in their responses to candidates' changed party status, and in their responses to threatening inter-party competition.

This paper seeks to explain the phenomena of popular foreign vloggers in domestic Chinese media by using existing theories in propaganda, nationalism, and social identity theory. Selecting six videos from domestic Chinese social media Bilibili, I generate original data of 1,125 comments from these six videos. I find that holding everything else equal, videos with foreign vloggers who speak fluent Chinese will elicit more positive comments from the audience than foreign vloggers who do not. Moreover, the word “China”, “U.S.” and “foreign” appeared more frequently in videos by Chinese-speaking vloggers, and comments praising foreign vloggers’ Chinese skills constitute half of all the positive comments in one video. This study contributes to people’s understanding of nationalism and propaganda. It is also the first time, to the author’s knowledge, that social identity theory has been applied to the Chinese context in the discipline of political science. This study has implications for future studies and studies outside of China as well.