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Item Open Access Broad Scale Conservation: Protected Areas and Species Interactions(2009) Joppa, Lucas N.This dissertation consists of four chapters. The first three chapters examine protected areas (or parks) from multiple perspectives. Parks are the first, and often only, line of defense in efforts to conserve biodiversity. Understanding of their promise and problems is necessary to achieve conservation outcomes. Chapter One determines vegetation patterns in and around parks of differing management categories across the Amazon, Congo, South American Atlantic Coast, and West African forests. Within these forests, protected areas are the principle defense against forest loss and species extinctions. In the Amazon and Congo, parks are generally large and retain high levels of forest cover, as do their surroundings. In contrast, parks in the Atlantic Coast forest and West Africa show sharp boundaries in forest cover at their edges. This effective protection of forest cover is partially offset by their very small size: little area is deep inside park boundaries. Compared to West Africa, areas outside parks in the Atlantic Coast forest are unusually fragmented.
Chapter Two addresses a human dimension of protected areas. Given certain characteristics, parks areas may either attract or repel human settlement. Disproportionate increases in population growth near park boundaries may threaten their ability to conserve biodiversity. Using decadal population datasets, we analyze population growth across 45 countries and 304 parks. We find no evidence for population growth near parks to be greater than growth of rural areas in the same country. Furthermore, we argue that what growth does occur near parks likely results from a general expansion of nearby population centers. Parks may experience unusual population pressures near their edges; indeed, individual case studies provide examples. There is no evidence, however, of a general pattern of disproportionate population growth near their boundaries.
Chapter Three provides a review of common approaches to evaluating protection's impact on deforestation, identifies three hurdles to empirical evaluation, and notes that matching techniques from economic impact evaluation address those hurdles. The central hurdle derives from the fact that protected areas are distributed non-randomly across landscapes. Matching controls for landscape characteristics when inferring the impact of protection. Applications of matching have revealed considerably lower impact estimates of forest protection than produced by other methods. These results indicate the importance of variation across locations in how much impact protection could possibly have on rates of deforestation.
Chapter Four departs from the focus of protected areas and instead addresses a more theoretical aspect of community ecology. Ecological theories suggest that food webs might consist of groups of species forming blocks, compartments or guilds. Chapter Four considers ecological networks (subsets of complete food webs) involving species at adjacent trophic levels. Reciprocal specializations occur when (say) a pollinator (or group of pollinators) specializes on a particular flower species (or group of such species) and vice versa. We characterize the level of reciprocal specialization for various classes of networks. Our analyses include both antagonistic interactions (particularly parasitoids and their hosts), and mutualistic ones (such as insects and the flowers that they pollinate). We also examine whether trophic patterns might be palimpsests. That is, there might be reciprocal specialization within taxonomically related species within a network, but these might be obscured when these relationships are combined. Reciprocal specializations are rare in all these systems even when tested using the most conservative null model.
Item Open Access Improving Equity through Passive Recreation in Northeastern North Carolina(2016-04-29) Pericak, AndrewViewing public parks as environmental goods that provide benefits to people, society should strive to equitably distribute parks so that all individuals, regardless of racial or socioeconomic background, can use parks. This project emphasizes passive recreation parks, public parks such as nature preserves or hiking trails that do not require built park infrastructure as would a soccer field or a baseball diamond. These parks provide opportunities for outdoor recreation, but importantly also maintain many ecosystem service benefits which a “built” park would eliminate. Prior research has analyzed the distribution of parks for city residents, inconclusively finding that poor and minority populations may or may not reside physically closer to parks than do wealthy, white populations. Generally, though, the environmental justice literature emphasizes how privileged members of society tend to reside near quality parks, so achieving distributional equity requires creating new parks near less-privileged people. Perhaps surprisingly, few studies have examined the distribution of parks in rural areas; parks are just as important here because rural residents contend with the extensive agricultural environment, one not necessarily conducive to outdoor recreation. A critical need exists to assess the distributional equity of passive recreation parks in low-income, rural, agricultural counties, and to determine whether establishing new parks in those counties would lead to greater equity. To address this need, I examined park access for residents of five rural counties in northeastern North Carolina: Beaufort, Edgecombe, Halifax, Nash, and Rockingham. I first created an objective definition of equity for this study; namely, an equitable situation results when residents of poor, high people-of-color (POC) Census block groups (BGs) have statistically equal drive times to their closest parks as do residents of wealthy, low POC BGs. Notably, this definition does not take into account some important determinants about how people choose what park to visit, such as park size, quality, or amenities. The definition also assumes people own a car and are willing to drive to their closest park, and presumes people actually know the location of their closest park and choose to visit it because of its proximity. Nonetheless, I employed this definition so as to take an objective survey of current park distribution. Using this definition of equity, I then ascertained the “local context” of each BG within all five counties. Using American Community Survey data, I compared a BG’s median income and percent POC population to the average values of those metrics for surrounding BGs; the local neighborhood for comparison derived from the average commute time of the target BG, with the assumption that people would willingly spend about the same amount of time to drive to a park as they would to their workplace. From this process, I categorized each block group as having higher or lower income and higher or lower percent POC in comparison to their local neighbors. I then located public, passive recreation parks within the five counties and within neighboring counties. An algorithm found the closest park in terms of shortest driving time for each BG within the five counties, correlating these drive times to the race and income categories derived from the local context operation. Per this study’s definition of equity, I found certain counties demonstrated inequities in park distribution. Beaufort County actually exhibited similar drive times from all BGs, suggesting parks are equitably distributed in that county. Contrastingly, Halifax County’s poor, high POC BGs had significantly longer drive times to their closest parks than did any other populations. Edgecombe, Nash, and Rockingham Counties showed the opposite result of Halifax; the poor, high POC BGs had significantly shorter drive times to their closest parks than did rich, white areas. Nonetheless, all counties but Beaufort demonstrate inequitable outcomes. Since Halifax County met the environmental justice assumption that environmental goods favor wealthy, white populations, I ran a series of case studies on that county to determine if establishing new parks would make drive times equal among the various BGs. In one model, I pinpointed the BG with the greatest drive time to its closest park, identified government-owned land within that county, chose one parcel to become a hypothetical park, and re-ran the closest park analysis. I repeated this process until there were no significant differences among the race and income categories; this required establishing 11 new parks. In another model, I replicated this process but only established new parks in the poor, high POC BGs; here, I only needed six new parks until an equitable outcome resulted. This study shows that rural counties tend to have inequities in park distribution, but that in some cases low-income, POC populations do have better access to parks than do wealthier, whiter populations. Careful planning about where to site new parks can eventually lead to distributional equity, at least in Halifax County, but the county’s limited resources may prevent it from establishing multiple new parks in a short time period. This study does not consider important variables that actually determine what parks people want to visit, or where local residents would want a new park. Future studies can combine the objective information generated from this study with community discussions and demands to decide where best to locate new parks. Future research can also use the local context operation to investigate different definitions of distributional equity—for example, is it equitable that residents of one must drive on average only 15 minutes to their closest park if it takes 30 minutes in another county? In sum, the distributional equity of passive recreation parks suffers for rural, agricultural counties, meaning that certain privileged individuals within those counties receive an unjust share of the parks’ environmental and health benefits. This finding holds especially true for residents living the farthest away from these counties’ towns and cities. By using the local context to identify specific areas within counties most in need of parks, however, this study shows that careful planning can lead to greater distributional equity.Item Open Access Legacy Pb contamination in the soils of three Durham city parks: Do secondary forest organic horizons effectively blanket Pb in city park soils contaminated by historic waste incineration?(2022-12-16) Bihari, EnikoeLead (Pb) has historically been used in many products such as gasoline, paint, batteries, ceramics, pipes and plumbing, solders, and cosmetics, and Pb contamination from these materials and their waste streams is widespread around the world. Pb is a highly insoluble and persistent contaminant that accumulates in the environment, especially in urban soils; to this day, soil Pb concentrations remain high in many cities, posing a significant long-term public health and environmental risk. Some remediation options are available for Pb, with the most effective being removal and replacement of the contaminated soil. However, plants that can tolerate soil Pb may be effective at phytostabilization. In phytostabilization, soil Pb is immobilized both physically and chemically by the roots, while also being sequestered by new layers of organic matter and soil that accumulate on the surface. Throughout the early 1900s, the city of Durham, NC operated neighborhood municipal incinerators which combusted most of the city’s waste, including waste collected from homes, businesses, and public street cleaning. Around 1950, the four of the incinerator sites were closed and converted into public parks, with playgrounds, grass fields, picnic benches, sports facilities, and walking paths. These are now Walltown, East End, East Durham, and Lyon Parks. The parks currently contain streams and large areas of secondary forest cover, which have been largely unmanaged throughout the last century. From local newspaper articles, we have direct evidence for the disposal of incinerator refuse at these sites and other Durham parks. While historic news accounts describe the incinerator sites being covered with topsoil, until this study there has been no monitoring of the status of contaminant metals in the soils throughout the parks. We hypothesized that the surface soils of these parks had elevated Pb concentrations as the result of the parks’ history of incineration. Our primary objectives were to: 1. Measure total mineral surface soil Pb concentrations across three of Durham’s urban parks which were historically used for waste incineration (Walltown, East End, and East Durham Parks). 2. Assess whether secondary hardwood forests have accumulated organic horizons that were effective barriers to Pb-contaminated mineral soil below. We sampled mineral surface soil and organic horizon according to a stratified random sampling design, and the samples were measured for total Pb with an Olympus Vanta pXRF instrument. Data were analyzed using R and ArcGIS Pro, resulting in statistical models and spatial interpolations. Our main results were: 1. Mineral soil Pb concentrations across Walltown, East End, and East Durham Parks are elevated above both geologic background levels and several EPA hazard thresholds, especially in some highly-trafficked areas. 2. Hardwood forest organic horizons provide a blanket for highly Pb-contaminated mineral soil, but a significant amounts of surface soil Pb is mixed up into these O horizons. Thus, exposure risk is not eliminated and can remain quite high. Our results show that all three parks have total Pb in surface soils (0-2.5 cm) well above the geologic background (0-30 ppm), with many soils exceeding the US EPA’s hazard thresholds for gardening (100 ppm), residential play areas (400 ppm), and residential non-play areas (1200 ppm). For all three parks combined, mineral soil Pb ranged from 8 to 2342 ppm, with a mean of 201 ppm and a median of 93 ppm. A notable hotspot with extremely high Pb was mapped throughout the southeastern portion of East Durham Park north of East Main St., spanning a grassy field and part a secondary forest (Figure 12). Mineral soil Pb in this hotspot ranged from 694 to 2342 ppm. This is of particular concern because this field is adjacent to an apartment building, and residents appear to use this area to play, garden, and park their cars. Additionally, our study demonstrates that while hardwood O horizons provide a physical barrier to exposure for highly contaminated mineral soil, a significant amount of mineral soil Pb is mixed up into the O horizons. This relationship differed significantly between the upper O1/O2 and the lower O3 horizons. Pb concentration in the lower O3 horizon increased by 0.6 ppm for every 1 ppm increase in Pb increase in the mineral soil, with an adjusted R2 of 0.86. This means that the lower O3 horizon has about 60% of the Pb concentration of the mineral soil below. In contrast, Pb concentration in the upper O1/O2 horizon increased by 0.1 ppm for every 1 ppm increase in Pb increase in the mineral soil, with an adjusted R2 of 0.49. This means that the upper O1/O2 horizons have about 10% of the Pb concentration of the mineral soil below, Our results suggest limitations to phytostabilization as tool to reduce Pb exposure, particularly in hardwood forests where there is relatively rapid decomposition and bioturbation in the O horizons compared to many coniferous forests. Overall, the spatial distribution of soil Pb concentrations demonstrates the complicated land use history of these landscapes, pointing towards multiple sources of Pb inputs and outputs throughout the 20th century. Based on articles in historic newspapers from five cities across the USA, many municipalities may have public parks converted from historic waste incinerator sites; these sites may be contaminated with Pb and other metals that would have accumulated in ash and cinders, posing an exposure risk to residents who visit the parks.