Browsing by Subject "Policing"
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Item Open Access Criminal Injustice: Race, Representative Bureaucracy, and New York City’s Criminal Justice System(2017) Ashe, Austin W.Recently, research concerning the United States Criminal Justice System has been dominated by discussions of mass incarceration and deadly acts of police violence. Although there is conflicting evidence regarding the impact of racial diversity in criminal justice organizations, it continues to receive consideration as a prescription for racial disparities in policing, sentencing, and incarceration. Few studies have provided a holistic analysis of multiple components of the criminal justice system in one locality. This research focuses on the role of race throughout New York City’s Criminal Justice System. Based on court observations, ethnographic data, and semi-structured interviews I focus on the experiences and perspectives of black and Latino actors involved in the criminal justice process. Findings suggest that race itself is not predictive of active representation, while the link between passive and active representation cannot be completely dismissed. I discuss the implications of these findings for future research and policy initiatives aimed at reducing racial disparities in policing and incarceration.
Item Open Access Racial Framing and Public Support for Ex-Felon Disenfranchisement(2016-11-08) Pelle, MichaelIt is well documented that framing certain race-neutral policies, such as the death penalty, voter ID laws, and three-strikes laws, in terms of race can increase whites’ support for those laws. This study utilized a survey-based experiment to explore the impact of racial framing on voters’ support for repealing ex-felon disenfranchisement statutes. White respondents who were told that felon disenfranchisement disproportionately affects blacks were less supportive of restoring felons’ voting rights than were those given no racial frame. This impact was concentrated among white Republicans, and the racial frame had a minimal impact on white Democrats’ responses to the question. The survey also asked respondents for their opinions about restoring both felons’ voting rights and firearm rights. The difference between the control and experimental groups’ responses to this question was greater than the difference between the two groups’ responses to the question about voting rights alone. Republicans and Democrats responded similarly, with both expressing lesser support for restoring felons’ voting and gun rights when the issue was racially framed. Racial threat theory and negative attitudes about blacks help explain why whites became less supportive of ex-felon rights restoration when told that the issue disproportionately affects blacks. The survey also polled blacks, but the frame had a minimal impact on their opinions.Item Open Access ShotSpotter in Durham, NC: Service or Burden? A Community Sentiment Evaluation(2023-12) Kelly, PilarShotSpotter is a gunshot detection technology that uses audio sensors to locate and notify local police departments of gunfire. In 2023, the Durham Police Department (DPD) conducted a year-long pilot of ShotSpotter. Conversations with 30 residents of ShotSpotter’s three-square mile pilot area revealed nuanced opinions on the role of police officers, both generally and within their role as responders to ShotSpotter alerts. In the context of ShotSpotter specifically, conversations surrounded the ethics of technology and corporate actors in policing, as well as the lack of community engagement in the decision to pilot. Less frequently did these conversations reveal any observed impact on gun crime or police activity after ShotSpotter was implemented. Not one participant believed that ShotSpotter could help reduce gun crime. However, the participants who did report seeing changes in policing since ShotSpotter described those changes in a positive light. Opposition to ShotSpotter was rooted primarily in preconceived mistrust rather than direct experiences. This mistrust was directed toward City Council, ShotSpotter as a corporation, policing as an institution, and concerns about surveillance and storing personal sensitive information. City Council should consider the experiences and perceptions of the citizens most affected by gun violence when deciding how to proceed with ShotSpotter. Meaningful engagement and representation of these community voices is critical in efforts to promote institutional trust, community-police relations, and reductions in violent crime.Item Open Access The Prevalence of School Resource Officers in North Carolina's Public Schools(2021-05-03) Dukes, KatieNo one knows how many of North Carolina’s public schools have school resource officers (SROs) assigned to them or the impact their presence has on students. For the last decade, policymakers have expanded funding and support for increasing the presence of SROs statewide, yet the state’s Department of Public Instruction does not collect information about SRO assignment from school districts. To address this crucial data need, this report assesses the prevalence of SROs in North Carolina and analyzes it based on school characteristics. To determine which schools had SROs assigned on a full-time, part-time, or rotating basis, I contacted every school district in the state. With 95 of 115 districts responding, I estimated the percentage of schools with SROs and the percentage of the state’s students attending those schools. I also estimated the prevalence of SROs based on schools’ racial demographics, rates of economic disadvantage and chronic absenteeism, and school level (elementary, middle, high). Approximately 79 percent of schools — serving 84 percent of North Carolina’s students — have SROs assigned on at least a rotating basis. It can be said with certainty that between 62 and 84 percent schools — serving between 66 and 87 percent of students — have SROs. Almost all middle and high schools have SROs assigned, along with two-thirds of elementary schools. SROs appear to be more prevalent at majority white schools and schools with high rates of chronic absenteeism than at majority non-white schools and schools with low chronic absenteeism. SRO prevalence is similar at schools with high and low rates of economic disadvantage. Determining the prevalence of SROs statewide is the first step in determining the impact of their presence on students. Existing empirical evidence suggests the presence of SROs does not improve middle school safety and increases the criminalization of student behavior, contributing to the school-to-prison pipeline. Stakeholders should use this report as a starting point to evaluate whether this holds true for all of North Carolina’s students, informing decisions about whether to add or remove SROs from the state’s public schools.Item Open Access Wildcat of the Streets: Race, Class and the Punitive Turn in 1970s Detroit(2015) Stauch, MichaelThis dissertation is a social history of the city of Detroit in the 1970s. Using archives official and unofficial - oral histories and archived document collections, self-published memoirs and legal documents, personal papers and the newspapers of the radical press - it portrays a city in flux. It was in the 1970s that the urban crisis in the cities of the United States crested. Detroit, as had been the case throughout the twentieth century, was at the forefront of these changes. This dissertation demonstrates the local social, political, and economic circumstances that contributed to the dramatic increase in prison populations since the 1970s with a focus on the halls of government, the courtroom, and city streets. In the streets, unemployed African American youth organized themselves to counteract the contracted social distribution allocated to them under rapidly changing economic circumstances. They organized themselves for creative expression, protection and solidarity in a hostile city, and to pursue economic endeavors in the informal economy. They sometimes committed crimes. In the courts, Wayne County Juvenile Court Judge James Lincoln, a liberal Democrat long allied with New Deal political alliances, became disenchanted with rehabilitative solutions to juvenile delinquency and embraced more punitive measures, namely incarceration. In city hall, Coleman Young, the city's first African American mayor, confronted this crisis with a form of policing that concentrated predominately on the city's unemployed African American youth, and the result was the criminalization of poverty and race we have come to understand as mass incarceration.